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Bulletin Index/
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Health Status
1. When It Comes to Health, Do Sex and Gender Matter?
2. Gender,Work and Health: An Analysis of the
1994 National Population Health Survey
3. Women’s Health in Atlantic Canada:
A Statistical Portrait
Health Services
4. Health Care Utilization and Gender: A Pilot
Study Using the BC Linked Health Data
5. National Gender Economic Costing Group
Health Care Reform
6. Moving in the Right Direction? Regionalizing
Maternal Health Services in British Columbia
7. Invisible Women: Gender and Health
Planning in Manitoba and Saskatchewan and Models for Progress
8. Coping as a Rural Caregiver: The Impact of
Health Care Reforms on Rural Women Informal Caregivers
9. Missing Voices in Long-term Care Policy
Making: Elderly Women and Women with Disabilities Receiving Home Care
Diverse Communities of Women
10. Experiences of Immigrant and Refugee
Women in Quebec with the Health Care System
11. "Hearing Voices": Mental Health Care
for Women
12. Developing Understanding from Young
Women’s Experiences in Obtaining Sexual Health Services and Education in a Nova
Scotia Community
13. "Voices and Faces": A Qualitative Study of
Rural Women and a Breast Cancer Self-help Group via an Audio-teleconferencing Network
14. Centres of Excellence for Women's Health - Contact Information
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Missing Voices in Long-term Care Policy
Making: Elderly Women and Women with Disabilities Receiving Home Care
Jane Aronson, Department of Sociology, McMaster University
This study explores the perspectives and aspirations of frail
elderly women and younger women with disabilities who
rely on care and assistance at home in Ontario. Their voices
and their knowledge of the home care system are seldom
included in current debates about long-term care policies
that are, rather, dominated by the economically-driven
imperatives of governments to manage efficiently and
offload costs from the public ledger.
Home care has always been a poorly resourced and
fragmented part of the health care system in Canada. It is
subject to no national standards so that, over time, provincial
governments have fashioned various mixes of public,
voluntary and for-profit home care services. In Ontario,
where the study is being carried out, the present
government’s commitment to cost-cutting and privatization
in all health and social programmes has translated in home
care into the form of a financially straitened system of
“managed competition” that fosters the entry of for-profit
providers into the home care marketplace.
To explore women’s experiences of this turbulent and poorly
supported service arena, the study takes a longitudinal (3
year) qualitative approach: longitudinal in order to capture
and understand change in recipients’ health and social
situations and in the shifting home care environment, and
qualitative in order to give primacy to women’s definitions of
their circumstances, concerns and aspirations. Since the
study began 18 months ago, a sample of twenty-five (25)
women who receive home care in an ongoing way has been
located in a snowball fashion through community groups
who are partnered with the project (e.g., Older Women’s
Network, Canadian Pensioners Concerned) and through
other community and advocacy organizations. The
participants are aged between 35 and 96; they live with a
range of chronic conditions and disabilities and include a
range of experience in terms of length of service receipt,
culture, and marital and family status. In terms of income,
almost half are poor.
Participants are interviewed at regular intervals (4–6
months) and are invited to reflect on their health and social
situations and on the services and assistance they receive at
home. With their permission, interviews are taped and
transcribed. Some of the central themes and tensions
emerging from analysis of these transcripts concern women’s
experiences of the new home care ‘marketplace’ and they are
summarized here.
Instability and Discontinuity
Many participants note rapid and problematic change in
both the provider organizations delivering their care and,
more significantly, in the actual personnel coming into their
homes. They describe the strains and demands of having to
rely on unknown nurses and home care workers for help
with tasks that are often intimate and complex and that
require familiarity and personalized knowledge. Continuity
and predictability have always been a critical challenge in
the organization of home care as the quality of care is rooted
in the everyday details and processes of service giving and in
the relationships in which they are embedded. The system
of ‘managed competition’ in Ontario has exacerbated this
challenge as, by design, the array of provider organizations
is expanding, their contracts are regularly reviewed and
changed, the home care labour force is increasingly
dislocated and insecure and thus – at the front line –
relationships with service users are destabilized and
discontinuous.
Tighter Rationing of Services
In the new organization of home care in Ontario, case
managers assigned to each home care client assess need and
coordinate packages of services drawn from a mix of nonprofit
and for-profit providers with whom their employing Community Care Access Centre has contracted. Study
participants’ accounts of their contacts with case managers
reveal the application of increasingly narrow definitions of
eligibility for care and assistance. Many report cuts in the
hours of help allotted to them and new definitions of the
tasks with which they can expect assistance; in particular,
their accounts reflect a trend toward provision of only
personal or medically necessary care and the withdrawal of
assistance with household help or social support. Beneath
these changes lies a critical redefinition of people’s
entitlements to public support and an implicit according of
priority to narrowly medical and acute care rather to social
and longer term supportive care. These changes are occurring
in the private orbits of individual care recipients’ homes with
little or no public discussion or acknowledgement.
Shifting the work and costs of care: Privatization
As publicly provided home care is reduced or experienced as
undependable, study participants are pressed to seek
alternative sources of help. The work and costs of care are,
in effect, transferred to the private domain. Some
participants sought the help of family members – a resort
that was often layered by concerns about burdening people
and indebtedness and is, of course, not an option for those
who have no family members to whom they feel they can
turn. Participants with the financial means to do so
purchased extra help in the private market from commercial
providers. This proved a satisfactory experience for some
but, in some instances, participants complained that
personnel were inconsistent and poorly prepared
(experiences that critics would contend reflect the
deteriorating employment conditions in the home care
market and provider organizations’ consequent difficulty in
recruiting and retaining workers). The work and costs of
care were also offloaded in other, even less explored or
understood directions: to the informal economy (e.g. to
privately paid cleaners/ support workers/ companions, to
formal care providers who informally filled some of the
vacuum left by retreating public services); to elderly and
disabled women themselves who strove, often against great
odds and at some risk, to look after themselves or their
households alone; or to no one at all, leaving participants to
go without, their needs unmet. Highlighting these barely
visible consequences of home care rationing and exploring
their impacts on women in different social circumstances
will be an important focus for future analysis.
Heightened insecurity
Unsurprisingly, these conditions in the home care
marketplace generate insecurity and anxiety among home
care users. Study participants face unstable or degenerative
health conditions and disabilities as well as unstable home
care services and a political climate communicating their
disentitlement to public support. Damage to identity and
selfhood and, often, fear of the future are embedded in
participants’ descriptions of their circumstances. Embedded
in them, too, are strands of resistance and struggle manifest
in, for example: the day to day resilience and ingenuity
marshalled to manage at home, the formation of creative
alliances with formal care providers committed to
expanding and personalizing their responses to service users’
needs and, for a few, the political channelling of indignation
through advocacy organizations, letter-writing etc.
As the study proceeds, these and other themes and tensions
will be explored and elaborated and results will be
communicated as widely as possible to concerned
community groups, the media, policy makers at different
levels of government and academic audiences.
This ongoing research is supported by the National
Network on Environments and Women’s Health and the
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.
For further information contact:
National Network On Environments
And Women’s Health Centre for Health Studies
York University
4700 Keele Street,
214 York Lanes, Toronto, ON Canada M3J 1P3
Tel: (416) 736-5941 Fax: (416) 736-5986
Web Site: www.yorku.ca/research/nnewh E-mail: nnewh@yorku.ca
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